Table-2 Tale of “Iɣed n Tinnurt”:

This detailed information demonstrates that “Aschenputtel” and “Iɣed n Tinnurt” offer rich narratives for comparative analysis. These narratives share cultural similarities, resonating particularly well within the Mediterranean context since they echo elements found in the tales of the Jewish-Moroccan Cinderella story “Smeda Rmeda,”[23] the Greek “Stachtopouta,”[24] and the Italian fairytale “Cenerentola.”[25] As Chadili eloquently argues, the shared history of the Mediterranean peoples—shaped by wars, migrations, and trade—has profoundly influenced their collective imagination. This shared cultural heritage, spanning across the entire region, is evident in the common themes and motifs found in myths, tales, epics, and fables (الشاذلي الداهي 2009).

Both stories feature protagonists—Aschenputtel and Iɣed n Tinnurt—whose lives are marred by the death of their mothers and subsequent mistreatment by their stepmothers. The etymology of “Aschenputtel” combines German words for “ash” and “untidy girl,” reflecting her sooty existence. “Iɣed n Tinnurt,”[26] meaning “Ash of Hearth” in Tamazight, referring to the ash was used by Iɣed n Tinnurt to mark the route back home when she and her sisters were left alone in the forest by their father, similarly uses ash as a metaphor for resilience and rebirth.[27]

In both tales, we can observe how ash plays a pivotal role, symbolizing not only the protagonists’ lowly status but also their potential for transformation and protection. This resonates with the Roman mythology of the Vesta[28] goddess of the hearth and home,  symbolized by the hearth itself, the source of ash.[29] Marriage serves as a key turning point in both tales, marking the protagonists’ societal ascent and personal triumph over adversity or possibly a continuity.[30] The essential similarities between the two tales from the tables—maternal death, servitude, magical assistance, loss of footwear (slipper or Terlik), and eventual marriage to a powerful figure (prince or sultan’s son) —highlight the shared thematic core of these tales.

Analyzing the Two Tales: Prince Versus the Sultan’s Son

If we examine the Grimm Brothers' “Aschenputtel,” we can see that the prince's search for his true love is aided by two white pigeons, which could symbolize purity and truth. After the festival, the prince is left with only a golden slipper to find the mysterious maiden who stole his heart. He travels across the land, decreeing that the woman whose foot fits the slipper shall be his bride.

At Aschenputtel's home, her stepsisters, driven by greed and deceit, mutilate their feet to fit the slipper. However, as each sister presents herself to the prince, the white pigeons perched on the hazel tree cry out:

There they go, there they go!
There is blood on her shoe;
The shoe is too small,
Not the right bride at all![31] 

When it is Aschenputtel’s turn to try on the slipper, the prince, finding it to be a perfect fit, sweeps her onto his horse as his bride. Together, they ride past the grave where two pigeons are perched upon the hazel bush, their cries echoing:

There they go, there they go!
No blood on her shoe;
The shoe's not too small,
The right bride is she after all.[32]

The pigeons’ divine song reveals the truth, which comes from the voice of Aschenputtel mother’s soul, sparing the prince from a false match. When Aschenputtel tries the slipper, it fits perfectly, and the pigeons sing in joyous confirmation. The prince recognizes the truth of Aschenputtel's claim thanks to the slipper. We can learn from the tale that with the pigeons' guidance, the prince finds his true bride, and Aschenputtel's goodness is rewarded, showcasing the triumph of truth and virtue over deception.

The sultan’s son in “Iɣed n Tinnurt” parallels the prince in “Aschenputtel”. Let us now explore how the sultan’s[33] son came to find the owner of the Terlik—a traditional, ornate slipper.[34] The story reveals a twist of fate: the sultan’s son did not encounter Iɣed n Tinnurt at the wedding festival. Instead, it was while watering his horse that he stumbled upon the Terlik inside a pool next to the water well.[35] He took the Terlik and said, “I shall marry the owner of this slipper.”[36]

This cherished item had slipped from Iɣed n Tinnurt’s possession as she hastened home from the wedding festival. Overwhelmed by the dread of her elder sisters discovering her absence—they who had denied her company to the wedding—she flees, leaving behind the Terlik as the sole trace of her fleeting presence. The sultan’s son dispatches Aberraḥ,[37] a servant known for his ability to call on and locate people, on a mission to find the girl who owns the silver-decorated slipper. Instructed to visit every house in the country[38] and have every girl try it on to find its owner, the servant sets out on his mission to find Iɣed n Tinnurt.[39] However, there’s a significant turn in the tale when the servant learns about girls residing in a Tergu’s dwelling from an informant he meets en route to the castle. This information leads him to the owner of the slipper. Upon visiting Tergu’s dwelling, the servant hears a noise inside after the elder sisters try on the slipper, which didn’t fit either of them. Intrigued by the noise, the servant calls for the persons to reveal themselves. It is then that Iɣed n Tinnurt emerges. The servant asks her to try on the slipper, and to his delight, it fits her feet perfectly.

The Power of Symbols: Ash, Silver, Birds, and Tergu 

Focusing specifically on the four symbols of ash, silver, birds, and Tergu, this section will examine the importance of these symbols in both tales. Two of these symbols, ash and silver, are prevalent in both stories. Intriguingly, the protagonists of both tales bear the symbol of ash in their names: “Aschenputtel,” the Ash-Girl, and “Iɣed n Tinnurt,” the Ash of Hearth.

A notable distinction between the tales lies in the origin of Iɣed n Tinnurt’s name. Her elder sisters bestowed this name upon her while they were trapped inside an ogress’s house beneath a water well.[40] In the narrative, Iɣed n Tinnurt rescues her elder sisters and guides them home using ash as a trail marker. This was after their father had abandoned them in the forest, intending to get rid of them. In this context, the ash in “Iɣed n Tinnurt” tale symbolizes resilience and continuity. In contrast, the ash in Aschenputtel’s story represents struggle, as seen through the hardships faced by the maiden at the hands of her cruel stepmother and stepsisters. Despite the different interpretations, Ash remains a defining symbol in both tales, shaping the narrative and the characters’ identities.

In both tales, however, the symbol of silver plays a significant role. In Aschenputtel, what she desires is silver, along with beautiful clothing. This wish arises when she decides to attend the feast despite her stepmother’s initial refusal. She expresses her wish at her mother’s grave, under the hazel tree, saying:

Little tree, little tree, shake over me,
That silver and gold may come down and cover me.

Subsequently, a bird drops a dress of gold and silver, along with a pair of slippers embroidered with silk and silver. The silver in the tale symbolizes beauty, as embodied in the dress and slippers.[41]

Similarly, in the tale of “Iɣed n Tinnurt,” silver symbolizes the jewelry found in the locked chambers that Tergu, the ogress, had forbidden Iɣed n Tinnurt from entering. These locked chambers in the ogress’s house were filled with silver jewelry, referred to as Lfujret in Tamazight, along with beautiful dresses and food.[42] It was only when Iɣed n Tinnurt managed to push the ogress into a large clay oven, known as a ‘Firnu’ in Tayefrnit, that she was able to enter these forbidden chambers. As a reward, she received silver jewelry and a beautiful dress, and was given the opportunity to attend a wedding, which her elder sisters had refused to let her join.

Another aspect that I find fascinating to compare and highlight is the symbolism of birds in the tale of “Aschenputtel,” and the ogress Tergu in “Iɣed n Tinnurt.” I have noticed that both symbols exhibit several similarities in their roles and presence within the stories. In Aschenputtel, birds are depicted as helpers and protectors of the protagonist, Aschenputtel. They provide the necessary assistance when Aschenputtel’s stepmother tasks her with sorting lentils in an effort to prevent her from attending the royal festival. It is at this point that Aschenputtel calls upon the birds for help, saying:

O gentle doves, O turtle-doves.
And all the birds that be,
The lentils that in ashes lie
Come and pick up for me!
The good must be put in the dish,
The bad you may eat if you wish.[43]

In addition to assisting with the sorting of lentils, the birds also play a significant role in fulfilling Aschenputtel’s wishes. Whenever Aschenputtel desires something, she visits the hazel tree on her mother’s grave and expresses her wishes. In response, the bird grants her wish by dropping down what she has asked for. For instance, when her stepmother and stepsisters go to the festival, leaving her alone at home, Aschenputtel seizes the opportunity to visit her mother’s grave. She expresses her wish with tears, and the bird responds by dropping down a dress made of gold and silver, along with a pair of slippers. In numerous cultures, particularly those of the Mediterranean and Northern Europe, birds are perceived as divine messengers.[44]

Let’s delve into the symbol of the Tergu, or ‘ogress,’ used in the tale. In other towns in the region of Idraren n Infusen, different terms are employed in the tales. These terms, such as the word Tamẓa, symbolize characters similar to beasts or ogresses.[45] This symbol carries significant meaning and is closely associated with the tale of “Iɣed n Tinnurt”. In the previous discussions, I explored how Iɣed n Tinnurt discovered an entrance while she was digging with her hands inside a water well.[46] This discovery within the Tergu’s dwelling marked a pivotal moment in her journey, leading her to unlock the chambers, and initiating a series of transformative events.

The Tergu’s role in the tale is somewhat limited, confined to a few key events. The first of these is when Tergu discovers Iɣed n Tinnurt. This occurs when Iɣed n Tinnurt burns her hands from a hot sickle made by Tergu, as she attempts to gather or steal some flour.[47] Marking the beginning of their intertwined destinies.[48] The second event involves Tergu adopting to Iɣed n Tinnurt when she realizes that Iɣed n Tinnurt is a human, not a Jinn. This realization comes about through a conversation in which Tergu asks, “Jens ɣen Wens,”[49] and Iɣed n Tinnurt responds, “Wens xer n Bab-nnem d Yaǧ-nnem.”[50] This exchange between the ogress and the human is intended to clarify the nature of their existence. The term ‘Jens,’  as used in the tale, refers to a jinn, an invisible being found in many pre-Islamic Arabian mythologies (Britannica 2024). This highlights the cultural and historical context of the narrative. In North African, Persian, and Turkish folklore, jinn are depicted as beings of smokeless flame, capable of assuming human or animal forms. In contrast, humans are considered to be made of earth (Britannica 2024). This concept of spirits with dual natures is echoed in other Mediterranean mythologies, such as the Roman belief in genii, or guardian spirits assigned to individuals from birth (Britannica 2024). Much like the jinn, these could be either benevolent or malevolent. This distinction is highlighted in the tale when Tergu asks, ‘Jens ɣen Wens’ in an effort to confirm the nature of the creature she’s interacting with and whether it can be trusted. The tale also reveals that the ogress shares a fear of the jinn with humans, suggesting a shared apprehension of invisible creatures. Such dialogues between Tergu and humans are common elements found in several ancient Amazigh tales from Idraren n Infusen. These interactions provide valuable insights into the cultural and mythical contexts of these narratives.

In the third event, Iɣed n Tinnurt attempts to eliminate Tergu by pushing her into an oven clay while baking bread. This is done with the intention of gaining access to the forbidden chambers, despite Tergu's warnings. Inside this locked chambers, Iɣed n Tinnurt discovers an array of ‘Lfujret' silver jewelry, exquisite dresses, and food. The only hope for Iɣed n Tinnurt to aid her elder sisters and liberate herself from Tergu is to kill Tergu. Interestingly, in the tale, when Tergu discovers that Iɣed n Tinnurt is human, she adopts her and refers to her as a daughter.[51]

I would also like to mention here a fascinating aspect of Mediterranean culture  which is the naming of newborns. There is a practice found in many parts of Greece that gives unbaptized children names like Drakos (ogre) for boys and Drakou (ogress) for girls, aiming to provide magical protection (Kaplanoglou, 2016, P13). The name Tergu in the story of Iɣed n Tinnurt might hold a similar significance. Could Tergu the ogress be embodying this protective role, offering a safe haven by adopting the protagonist? In contrast, the ogress can be characterized as an antisocial (living alone in the wild) and often foolish being.[52] Thus, this discussion of the symbolism of Ash, Silver, Birds, and Tergu in the two tales reveals that Ash serves as a symbol of resilience, protection, and struggle in both stories. Silver, on the other hand, represents beauty and desire, often manifested in the form of dresses and jewelry. In the tale of “Aschenputtel”, birds play the role of helpers and wish fulfillers. Tergu, the ogress in the tale of “Iɣed n Tinnurt”, stands as a symbol of transformation (even protection).

Within the Mediterranean context, symbols like silver hold profound cultural significance.  The metal's lunar associations are evident in the figure of Artemis, the Greek goddess of chastity and fertility, often depicted with a silver bow.  As a protector of young women, particularly those on the verge of marriage, the dedication of childhood toys to Artemis symbolized their transition to adulthood and marital responsibilities (Cartwright 2019). Meanwhile, in Greek folk culture, ash has a polyvalent significance, embodying both cleansing and rejuvenating properties. This is reflected in the tale of “Stachtopouta,”  the Greek Cinderella (Kaplanoglou 2016:2).

When we say, “A little bird told me,” we are talking legend, folklore, and superstition all at once (Ingersoll 1923:3). That’s why birds have a significant role in Mediterranean culture, representing guidance and omens. In ancient Greece, birds were frequently used to predict the outcome of future events (Goldhahn 2019), while in Roman times, omens were mainly caused by birds (Roque 2009). Meanwhile, in the Italian “Cenerentola” tale, Zezolla finds guidance in the Dove of the Fairies from Sardinia. This magical dove acts as her benefactor, granting her wishes whenever she desires. It serves as a symbol of hope and also as a messenger, guiding Zezolla towards her destiny (Basile 1850:64-65).

The interactions of the protagonists with these symbols shape their narratives, underscoring their resilience, desires, and transformations. In this paper, I have delved into the cultural and historical contexts of these symbols, which have enriched our understanding of the tales.

Conclusion 

Tales serve as enduring relics of our ancestors' memories, and their preservation, documentation, and safeguarding from oral oblivion are of paramount importance. This article has focused on ancient tale from Idraren n Infusen, known as Iɣed n Tinnurt, to mark the inception of more comprehensive future research. Some of these ancient tales exist today only as audio recordings, underscoring the urgent need for their transcription and subsequent presentation for linguistic and literary research.

My study of “Iɣed n Tinnurt” and “Aschenputtel” has revealed more than just similarities and common patterns. It has shed light on the shared cultural aspects among different Mediterranean countries. Notably, we have gleaned insights into the faith journeys of both protagonists, which culminated in marriage. Both protagonists were subject to cruelty from their stepmothers and sisters (Iɣed n Tinnurt’s siblings and Aschenputtel’s stepsisters).

Through the examination of the symbols that imbue both tales with elements of fantasy and mythology, such as ash, silver, and birds, this article has shown that these symbols, when employed in tales, forge a connection to the tale's cultural roots and rituals. The article has demonstrated that silver holds a unique position in Amazigh culture in the region of Idraren n Infusen, paralleling the significance of jewelry in European culture. Silver has dominated Amazigh jewelry for a long time, reflecting both aesthetic preferences and rural traditions across Tamazgha, while gold was recently introduced in the jewelry design (Camps-Fabrer 1991). That’s why Imuhagh/Tuareg avoid gold for superstitious reasons, believing it carries a curse, as depicted in Al-Konie’s novel Gold Dust (شريّط 2024:15).[53]

Although this comparative study raises more questions than answers, I hope that it paves the way for further research. How did these tales with similar protagonists traverse the Mediterranean? Was “Aschenputtel” the original tale that later spread to Tamazgha, or was it the other way around? Why do both tales use ash to both describe and name the protagonist? Why was silver used as a symbol in both tales, and does it have any connection to rituals or deities? How old are these tales? These questions open the door for more extensive research, potentially exploring other tales from Tamazgha that bear similarities to “Iɣed n Tinnurt” and delving deeper into the ancient oral traditions on both shores of the Mediterranean.

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Footnotes

[1] “هذه الأساطير ليست من تأليف كاتب، إذ هل تؤلف الأسطورة؟... لكن إذا كان لا بد للفعل من فاعل ما فإن الفاعل - أي المؤلف أو القائل–هو الشعب”

Extracted from the book by Said Sifaw important literary works in Arabic titled “أصوات منتصف الليل” (“The Voices of Midnight”), a collection of ancient Amazigh tales translated into Arabic. For additional information, please refer to the provided citation, which can be accessed via the following archived web link: https://archive.org/details/Aswat/mode/2up.

[2] An academic paper has been published that presents a comparative study analogous to the current discussion, starting instead, however, with China’s traditional Cinderella narrative. See, Wang and Hu, “Similar archetypes and different narratives.”

[3] In the majority of Idraren n Infusen region, the term ‘Tawessart’ (singular) or ‘Tiwessarin’ (plural) is predominantly employed to denote an elderly woman. Conversely, in other Amazigh-speaking communities located in Tripolitania, such as Ghadames with their variant called Taɣdimst, the term ‘Tameqqert’ (singular) or ‘Temeqqarin’ (plural) is used to characterize an elderly woman. Furthermore, in the Kabyle region of Algeria, the words ‘Taḍeggʷalt’ or ‘Tamɣaṛt’ are commonly used, see (Calassanti-Motylinski 1898); (Lanfry 2011); (Dallet 1972).

[4] Different terminologies are employed for the term tales across various regions in Tamazgha. For instance, in the Kabyle region, the terms ‘Amacahu’ and ‘Tamacahut’ are used. However, in the region of Idraren n Infusen, regional variations are observed. In the Fessaṭu region, the term ‘Tsisaw’ is used to denote a tale, whereas in Ifran and Zwara, the term ‘Tanfust’ (singular) or ‘Tinfas’ (plural) is preferred. These terms are variants of Tanfusit/Tayefrnit in the Tamazight language. Also, in the variant Taɣdimst, in the oasis of Ghadames, Libya, the words ‘Tullizt,’ ‘Tullist,’ ‘Tulliss’ (Singular) and ‘Tullizin’ (plural) are used for a tale or a story. See (Calassanti-Motylinski, 1898); (Lanfry 2011); (Dallet 1972).

[5] Arabization in Tripolitania after the spread of Islam took centuries, and it had an impact on Idraren n Infusen, where most of the oral tradition gradually vanished due to religious aspects. As described by Sahli, the Arabization came in waves: “Then a new wave of Moslem Arabs swept all over North Africa, and the final process of Islamization and Arabization of the Berbers extended to Black Africa at the Saharan southern edge.” Omar Sahli, Nafousa Berber Community in Western Libya, B.A. University of Libya, 1959.

[6] “Il Berbero Nefûsi di Fassâṭo. Grammatica, testi raccolti dalla viva voce, vocabolarietti,” by Francesco Beguinot, provides an exhaustive exploration of the Tanfusit variant of the Tamazight language, as spoken in the Fessaṭu region of Idraren n Infusen. This book includes a selection of intriguing ancient tales that have been meticulously documented.

[7] In his publication, Othman Kaak refers to a historical figure from the Rustamid Dynasty named أبو سهل الفارسي النفوسي. This individual served as a Tamazight interpreter during the Rustamid Dynasty and was the author of a poetry anthology in the Tamazight language. Regrettably, no remnants of this invaluable work have survived due to a conflict in the region involving the Nukkar movement, which resulted in the destruction of the anthology. Please refer to Kaak for more details.

[8] In the town of Ifran/Yefren, as well as in other towns within the Idraren n Infusen region, it is possible to encounter this tale of “Tafunast n Igujilen.” Intriguingly, this narrative bears a striking resemblance to a tale that is widely recognized within the Kabyle region of Algeria. Please refer to the citation provided for further details. https://www.hcamazighite.dz/docs/document/hca/Litterature-traduction/01%20Idlisen-nnegh/040-Nadia%20Benmouhoub.pdf

[9] Typically, narratives commence with introductory remarks, as observed in the region of Idraren n Infusen, specifically in Fessaṭu. It is customary for the elderly women of the community to initiate the storytelling process. The traditional opening phrase they employ is as follows: ‘Tsisaw d Tmilaw Bazin Yeḥlaw dis Tigerwaw.’ This phrase can be translated as: ‘Tales & riddles, a tasty stew with mushrooms.’

The information presented has been derived from a noteworthy article by Asil. This article is part of a series focusing on ancient tales, which was published on the website Tawalt.com during the 2000s. For additional information and context, please refer to the provided citation, which can be accessed via the following archived web link:

https://web.archive.org/web/20071017140223/http://tawalt.com/letter_display.cfm?lg=_TZ&ID=1521&mStartRow=21.

[10] Asil, a distinguished contributor to the Tawalt website, has written a collection of blog posts that delve into the ancient Amazigh tales from the Idraren n Infusen region. In one of her posts, she highlights the metamorphoses present in these ancient tales, such as the origins of certain plants, trees, and animals that were once humans and then transformed. For further reading, please refer to the following archived link: https://web.archive.org/web/20071017140513/http://tawalt.com/letter_display.cfm?lg=_tz&ID=2311.

[11] In the town of Ifran/Yefren in Idraren n Infusen, this type of owl is referred to as ‘Ajṭiṭ n ḍeggiṭ,’ which translates to "Bird of the Night." This owl is known by various names or similar variants across the region. In Tunisia, a similar tale refers to it as “النعوشة” or “أم الذراري,” while in Algeria, it is called “تانعوشت/Tanεuct,” akin to the name we use in Idraren n Infusen. This species of owl is large and is likely the Pharaoh Eagle-Owl, which inhabits many areas within the Tamazgha region. See, "النعوشة" أو "أم الذراري".. طائر الموت في الموروث الشعبي التونسي جزايرس : تانعوشت خطافة الأطفال; 2 Species of Owls Found in Libya! (2024) - Bird Watching HQ

[12] Given that the Tawalt webpage has been inaccessible for several years, the sole method for retrieving prior posts is via the Internet Archive. The following URL provides access to a specific archived post: https://web.archive.org/web/20110606061045/http://www.tawalt.com/?p=3840.

[13] The narrative of “Iɣed n Tinnurt” finds its roots in the town of Ifran/Yefren, where the local populace communicates in a distinct dialect of Tamazight, referred to as Tayefrnit. This dialect bears similarities to Tanfusit, another variant of Tamazight prevalent in different regions of Idraren n Infusen (Nefusa Mountains). For a more comprehensive understanding of the Tayefrnit variant, please refer to the book published by The Libyan Center for Tamazight Studies in Tripoli, titled “اللغة الامازيغية (الفواعد النحوية – تنوع جبل يفرن).” The book can be accessed via the following link: https://tamazight.edu.ly/2022/05/17/%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d8%ba%d8%a9-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%85%d8%a7%d8%b2%d9%8a%d8%ba%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%81%d9%88%d8%a7%d8%b9%d8%af-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%86%d8%ad%d9%88%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%aa%d9%86%d9%88/.

[14] Recently, I have been fortunate to obtain access to an extensive library of audio recordings that comprise a collection of ancient Amazigh tales originating from Ifran/Yefren. Among these, I was privileged to discover a recording of “Iɣed n Tinnurt,” narrated by an elderly woman named Ghalya Shihub, from the village of At-Uɣasru. Regrettably, it was challenging to ascertain the exact year of the recording. Interestingly, this version of “Iɣed n Tinnurt” bears a striking resemblance to the rendition collected by Mr. Shnaib.

[15] Asil published notable posts on ancient tales from Fessaṭu and other towns in the region of Idraren n Infusen, emphasizing the widespread similarities among the tales that resonate across various locations within the mountains. For further reading, see:

https://web.archive.org/web/20071017140419/http://tawalt.com/letter_display.cfm?lg=_tz&ID=1831.

[16] In the narrative of “Ighed n Tinnurt,”  the two sisters are characterized as voracious eaters. The original text, “Sent sis-net tidusay-n-sent timeqqrarin, welli a-t-ḥuṭ tameṭṭut n bab-n-sent xugga-net, d aysum d waɣi d tini, mi teǧa-net cra,” can be translated as follows: “The two elder sisters, known for their hearty appetites, would voraciously consume all that was offered to them—meat, milk, dates—leaving nothing behind.”

[17] This traditional headgear is donned across the expanse of Idraren n Infusen (Nefusa Mountains) and various locales within Tripolitania. In the region of Ifran/Yefren, alternative terminologies such as “Akabbus” or “Akembus” are employed to refer to this cap.

[18] In “Iɣed n Tinnurt,” the protagonist becomes aware of her father’s intention to abandon them after he sends all three daughters into the water well. As she prepares to descend into the well herself, she addresses her father with the following words: “tewwa-yas a baba essen-ɣak maεatec texs-ed-a-neɣ d texs-ed a-t-teftuk-ed seg-d-neɣ.” This phrase can be translated as: “She then addressed her father, ‘I am aware that you do not wish to keep us and would prefer to be rid of us.’”

[19] “The source of Grimms’ version of the story is unclear. It is thought that the original 1812 version came from a woman in a nursing home in Marburg (Rölleke 1975). “Grimm’s Cinderella Notes.” Virginia Commonwealth University. Accessed at: https://archive.vcu.edu/germanstories/grimm/cinder_notes.html.

[20] In the tale “Iɣed n Tinnurt” the protagonist, referred to Iɣed n Tinnurt, is portrayed as a person of forgiveness. Despite the adverse treatment she receives from her elder sisters, she exhibits an extraordinary ability to forgive. This act of forgiveness is a significant aspect of her character development within the story.

[21] In the narrative, the phrase ‘emmis n ṣṣulṭan’ is used to depict the son of the sultan. In the Tayefrnit variant of Tamazight, ‘emmis’ translates to ‘son,’  ‘n’ signifies ‘of,’  and ‘ṣṣulṭan’ corresponds to ‘sultan.’

[22] The term ‘Terlik,’ used in the region of Idraren n Infusen, is also pronounced as ‘Tellik’ in the Tamazight variant Taɣdimst,  in the oasis of Ghadames, Libya. This term is derived from the name of a traditional type of footwear that is widely recognized in Ghadames, see (Lanfry 2011).

[23] Further details can be found in:

Bar-Itzhak, Haya. “‘Smeda Rmeda Who Destroys Her Luck with Her Own Hands’: A Jewish Moroccan Cinderella Tale in an Israeli Context.” Journal of Folklore Research 30, no. 2/3 (1993): 93–125. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3814312.

[24] Stachtopouta, from the Greek word stachti = ashes, which is a compound word that literally translates to "Ash-girl" or "Girl of the Ashes." Further details can be found in:

Marianthi Kaplanoglou (2016) Spinning and Cannibalism in the Greek ‘Cinderella’: Symbolic Analogies in Folktale and Myth, Folklore, 127:1, 1-25, DOI: 10.1080/0015587X.2015.1093821.

[25] For “Cenerentola,” the name is derived from the Italian word ‘cenere,’ meaning ‘ash’ or ‘cinder,’ while the protagonist's name in the tale is Zezolla. For further details, see Giambattista Basile’s The Pentamerone, or The Story of Stories. Translated by John Edward Taylor. Second Edition. London: David Bogue, 1850.

[26] In most Tamazight variants found in Idraren n Infusen, encompassing both Tanfusit and Tayefrnit, the term ‘Iɣed’ is predominantly employed to denote ‘Ash.’ Concurrently, the term ‘Tinnurt,’ signifying ‘hearth,’  is ubiquitously used across all regions of Idraren n Infusen. Intriguingly, in the Taɣdimst variant the term for ‘ash’ is referred to as ‘Iced’ while the term “hearth” is referred to as ‘Elkanun’.

-Lanfry (Jacques). Dictionnaire de berbère libyen (Ghadamès). Préface de Lionel Galand, Algeria, 2011.

[27] In the tale, the themes of resilience and rebirth are manifested through the survival of her sisters, a feat made possible by Iɣed n Tinnurt's clandestine provision of food. Furthermore, the demise of Tergu (the ogress) marks not only the end of a period but also the commencement of a new chapter in Iɣed n Tinnurt's journey. The rebirth is symbolized by her entry into matrimony, signifying the start of a transformative journey for her.

[28] Syed Rafid Kabir, "Vesta: The Roman Goddess of the Home and the Hearth,” History Cooperative, November 23, 2022, https://historycooperative.org/vesta-goddess/.

[29] Interestingly, we see a similar approach mentioned by Kaplanoglou in her study, which highlights Nicole Belmont's interpretation of the Greek Cinderella “Stachtopouta” as a figure close to Hestia, the Greek goddess of hearth (Kaplanoglou, 2016, P7).

Nicole Belmont is a French anthropologist specializing in oral tradition (tales and folklore). Further details can be found at: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicole_Belmont

[30] In both narratives, we observe a striking similarity in the protagonists’ experiences, particularly in relation to the death of their mothers. This significant event occurs at the outset of each tale, preceding the journeys of both “Iɣed n Tinnurt” and “Aschenputtel”, which ultimately culminate in marriage. From an analytical standpoint, one could argue that these marriages symbolize the continuation of their maternal lineage (further research appears to be necessary in this area for more explanation).

The Jewish Cinderella tale of “Smeda Rmeda” echoes this theme, where the protagonist proactively and discreetly seeks a spouse (Bar-Itzhak & Shenhar, 1993, P22).

[31] The text used in the context of this study has been derived from the collection by the Grimm Brothers:

Household Stories from the Collection of the Bros. Grimm, translated by Lucy Crane, Macmillan & Co., London, 1922.

[32] ibid.

[33] The presence of a character, either a sultan or the sultan’s son, is observed in some of the ancient Amazigh tales from Idraren n Infusen. Interestingly, there is an absence of any discernible traces of a prince, king, or queen. This phenomenon could potentially be attributed to the influence from the Ottoman Empire during its early or late stages or even during the Hafsid Dynasty in the region.

[34] From Ghadames, these slippers are recognized for their distinctive characteristic of being laminated in silver. For additional information, see Alberini, 1999.

[35] The following text has been extracted from the tale:

‘Ass seg ussan yus-ed emmis n ṣṣulṭan d yesseswa tagmart-nnes g tanut lli teǧǧa dis Terlik-nnes. Cwayya tagmart teqqim tetεayaf mi tuba at-tesswa, yehwa il wafra din yufa g ammaṣ n waman Terlik.’

This can be translated as:

‘On a fateful day, the sultan’s son arrived at the well to water his horse, near where the silver slipper had been abandoned. The horse hesitated to drink, prompting the young man to inspect the pool, where he discovered the silver slipper submerged.’

[36] The following text has been extracted from the tale: ‘Yexwat d yewwa, neč lal n Terlik id lama at-aɣeɣ, ayed lli d ad nejfaɣ sis.’ This can be translated as: “Retrieving it, he declared, ‘The lady to whom this slipper belongs shall become my bride.’

[37] The term ‘Aberraḥ’ is used across all variants found in the region of Idraren n Infusen. Interestingly, the same term, with an identical meaning, is also found in the Tamazight variant Taɣdimst of Ghadames. It signifies ‘proclamation’ or refers to someone who holds the responsibility of oral publication (Lanfry, 2011).

[38] In the narrative, the term ‘Tmura’ is employed, which in the Tanfusit/Tayefrnit variant signifies ‘land’ or ‘country.’ This same term is also used in other regions of Idraren n Infusen, where it takes the form ‘Tamurt’ in the singular and ‘Temura’ or ‘Temurawin’ in the plural.

[39] The following text has been extracted from the tale:

‘Yugur il uɣasru-nnes d yiga aberraḥ yuc-as Terlik din d yewwa-yas enneṭ g tmura d seffɣ-i-yed lal n Terlik id.’

This can be translated as: “He returned to his castle and entrusted the silver slipper to a servant, instructing him, ‘Travel throughout the land and locate the lady to whom this silver slipper belongs.’

[40] The following text has been extracted from the tale: ‘D wwa-net mak d a-ten-semma weltma-t-nneɣ d wwa-net d a-ten-semma Iɣed n Tinnurt.’ This can be translated as: ‘The elder sisters pondered, ‘What moniker shall we bestow upon our youngest sibling?’ They named her ‘Iɣed n Tinnurt’ (Ash of Hearth).’

[41] From another perspective, in the ancient Mediterranean, silver is also associated with the moon and femininity.

“Sappho, a renowned poetess of the Ancient Greek civilization, often celebrated the equilibrium of night, ending the ‘garish day’ in her works. This could be seen as a reflection of the association of the moon (and by extension, silver) with femininity.”

Mike Streich, “Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World,” Short History, 2017, accessed May 29, 2024, https://www.shorthistory.org/ancient-civilizations/women-in-the-ancient-mediterranean-world/.

[42] Lfujret, a well-known type of Tamazight jewelry in the region of Idraren n Infusen, is traditionally made from silver. Silver holds significant importance for women in the Amazigh culture of this region. Some of the silver jewelry designs, such as Tawenza (a headdress ornament) and Temkellin (traditional earrings), feature a distinctive half-moon shape and the symbol of goddess Tanit (her symbolism is closely linked to the moon and fertility rites).

[43] Grimm Brothers, Household Stories from the Collection of the Bros. Grimm, translated by Lucy Crane, and published by London: Macmillan & Co., 1922.

[44] In the region of Idraren n Infusen, it is a common practice for people to place a cup or a small pot filled with water atop graves. This act serves a dual purpose. Firstly, it provides a source of hydration for the birds. Secondly, they believe it carries a profound symbolic significance, as birds are seen as representations of the human soul. People in the mountains refer to these birds in Tamazight as ‘Ajḍiḍ n baba Rebbi,’ which literally means ‘Bird of our father god.’ They are often symbolically associated with the representation of the soul (Roque, 2009).

[45] In Tayefrnit variant of Tamazight, the term ‘Tergu’ is employed to denote an ‘ogress’ (fem.). In various other regions of Idraren n Infusen, alternative terminologies such as ‘Amẓiw’ and ‘Tamẓa’ are used to refer to a ‘Monster or ‘Ogress.’ These terms bear a similar word used in the variant Taɣdimst found in the oasis of Ghadames to denote an ‘ogress,’ which include ‘Amẓiw’ (masc. singular), ‘Amẓiwen’ (mas. plural), ‘Tamẓa’ (fem. singular), and ‘Temẓiwin’ (fem. plural). In terms of an etymological perspective, both terms Amẓiw/Tamẓa and Tergu have, I believe, different meanings. Interestingly, this term was mentioned in Ibn Khaldoun’s book on Amazigh or Berber. Here is an excerpt from the book translated by Slane: ‘Alahem, cheikh de ces peuplades, avait été élevé par les soins de son prédécesseur, Omar, fils de Tamza. En langue berbère tamza signifie démon.’ This phrase can be translated as: ‘Alahem, sheikh of these tribes, had been brought up by the care of his predecessor, Omar, son of Tamza. In the Berber language, tamza means demon.’ See, Lanfry 2011; Ibn Khaldoun, 1856.

[46] The following text has been excerpted from the tale: ‘‘Assseg ussan tbucilt tanaεnuct trebbec din len tufa xuǧin.’ This can be translated as, ‘On one fateful day, the youngest girl unearthed a hidden cavity while digging.’

[47] In the narrative, the term used is ‘Amjer’; other variants pronounce it ‘Medjer.’ It is used to denote a sickle. This term is prevalent in all Tamazight variants in the region of Idraren n Infusen. The sickle holds significant symbolism in this context. Not only does it represent a tool used for harvesting wheat to produce flour, but it also embodies the power to enforce punishment and maintain control. See (Calassanti-Motylinski 1898).

[48] The protagonist's name in the Jewish Cinderella story “Smeda Rmeda,” reveals a captivating link between flour and ash. Judeo-Arabic storytellers translate “Smeda” as semolina flour and “Rmeda” as ashes (Bar-Itzhak and Shenharp, 1993, 90).

[49] This translates to ‘Jinn or human.’

[50] This translates to, ‘I am human, superior to both your father and mother.’

[51] The following text has been excerpted from the tale: ‘d tewwa-yas tergu atf-ed amig-aɣ d yelli.’ This can be translated as, “The ogress invited her inside, offering to adopt her. ‘I will make you my daughter.’”

[52] In the tale, “Iɣed n Tinnurt” tricks Tergu and this ends up getting her killed. This depiction emphasizes the vulnerability of the ogress, who can be fooled by the tales’ heroes or heroines, who thereby demonstrate their civilized superiority (Lacoste-Dujardin 2013).

[53] “In regards to metals, Tuaregs as a rule historically attributed the quality of impurity to gold and that of purity to silver. The preference of silver over gold is one that is evident for all Imazighen, Tuareg or Berber. In North Africa, as in Niger or Mali, Amazigh women treasure their silver jewelry and generally disdain gold” (Hagan and Myers 2006:91).